The Mignonette legal case of 1884 - the yacht crew killed and consumed a young cabin boy

 The Mignonette legal case of 1884 

On 19 May 1884 four men set sail from Southampton in a small yacht. They were professional sailors tasked with taking their vessel, the Mignonette, to its new owner in Australia. As men reared to the sea, born and raised in coastal communities, they were under no illusions as to the dangers of an ocean voyage. Yet none of the Mignonette’s crew can have anticipated the full horror that lay ahead. And they certainly could not have imagined that their voyage, and the ordeal they would endure, would leave a lasting legal and cultural legacy – a legacy that extends right down to the present day.

The Mignonette’s captain, Tom Dudley, was 31 years old and a proven yachtsman. Of his crew, Ned Brooks and mate Edwin Stephens were likewise seasoned sailors. The final crew-member, cabin boy Richard Parker, was just 17 years old and making his first voyage on the open sea; however, he came from a seafaring family and had sailed

The Mignonette legal case of 1884 

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The Mignonette legal case of 1884 was a notable maritime legal case that set a precedent in English common law regarding the concept of necessity as a defense for committing acts that would otherwise be considered criminal. The case arose from the sinking of the yacht Mignonette in the South Atlantic and the subsequent actions of the crew.

The Mignonette was a British yacht that set sail from Southampton, England, in 1884, bound for Sydney, Australia. The crew consisted of four men: Captain Thomas Dudley, First Mate Edwin Stephens, Edward Brooks, and Richard Parker.

During the voyage, the yacht was hit by a wave and sank, leaving the crew stranded in a lifeboat. They had limited supplies, and after several days, they ran out of fresh water and food. Facing extreme dehydration and starvation, the crew decided to kill and consume a young cabin boy, Richard Parker, in order to survive.

After being rescued by another ship, the crew was brought back to England, where they were charged with murder. The case garnered significant public attention and raised complex legal questions about whether the crew's actions constituted murder or whether they could claim a defense of necessity due to the extreme circumstances they faced.

During the trial, the court recognized the dire circumstances the crew had endured and acknowledged that they had resorted to cannibalism out of necessity to survive. The judge instructed the jury that they could consider the defense of necessity, which allowed a person to escape liability for criminal actions if they were deemed necessary to preserve their own life or the lives of others.

Ultimately, Captain Dudley and First Mate Stephens were found guilty of murder, but the judge reserved the case for the consideration of the Court of Criminal Appeal. Upon review, the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed the convictions and held that the crew's actions fell within the scope of necessity. They ruled that the crew had no choice but to kill Parker to survive and, therefore, their actions were not unlawful.

The Mignonette case established an important precedent in English law, recognizing the defense of necessity in extreme circumstances. It highlighted the principle that there could be exceptions to the general rule of law when human life is at stake and individuals are forced into extraordinary situations. The case has since been cited in various legal discussions regarding the defense of necessity.

"The Echoes of 2024" Novel

 

Title: "The Echoes of 2024"

Plot Summary: "The Echoes of 2024" is a dystopian novel set in an alternate version of Narendra Modi's India, heavily influenced by George Orwell's "1984." The story follows the life of Siddharth, a disillusioned government employee, as he navigates a society ruled by a totalitarian regime known as the New Indian Order (NIO).

In this version of India, the NIO has come into power after a closely contested election in 2024, promising stability, economic growth, and a united India. However, as time progresses, their true intentions become evident, leading to the establishment of a surveillance state where individual freedom and independent thought are severely suppressed.

Siddharth, once a loyal and patriotic civil servant, becomes increasingly disturbed by the growing authoritarian control. He begins to question the government's actions and realizes that citizens' lives are meticulously monitored through advanced technologies and an extensive network of informants. Dissent is ruthlessly crushed, and any form of resistance is met with severe consequences.

As Siddharth delves deeper into the dark underbelly of the regime, he encounters a secret resistance movement called the Liberty Brigade. Led by a mysterious figure known as "The Voice," the Liberty Brigade operates covertly, disseminating information, organizing protests, and plotting to overthrow the oppressive regime.

With his newfound purpose and the support of the Liberty Brigade, Siddharth risks everything to expose the truth to the masses. He becomes entangled in a dangerous game of cat and mouse with the NIO's ruthless security forces, led by a cunning and relentless officer determined to maintain the regime's control.

As Siddharth's journey unfolds, he unearths startling revelations about the NIO's manipulation of history, media censorship, and widespread propaganda. Through his eyes, readers witness the systematic erosion of personal liberties, the suppression of dissent, and the dehumanization of the populace.

As tensions escalate, Siddharth realizes that time is running out for him to rally the masses and bring about change. With each step he takes, the NIO tightens its grip, intensifying surveillance, and unleashing violence against anyone perceived as a threat.

In a dramatic climax, Siddharth and the Liberty Brigade ignite a mass uprising, with citizens from all walks of life rising against the NIO's oppressive regime. Their struggle for freedom and the truth becomes an epic battle of wills, echoing the spirit of India's past struggles for independence.

"The Echoes of 2024" explores themes of government surveillance, the suppression of individuality, the power of resistance, and the resilience of the human spirit. It serves as a cautionary tale, reminding readers of the importance of protecting fundamental rights and the consequences of complacency in the face of growing authoritarianism.

major philosophers of the world today

 

major philosophers of the world today

As an AI language model, I don't have real-time data or the ability to provide a comprehensive list of all the major philosophers of the world today. However, I can mention a few contemporary philosophers who have made significant contributions to the field. It's worth noting that the prominence of philosophers can vary depending on different academic and cultural contexts. Here are some notable contemporary philosophers:

 

Martha Nussbaum: Known for her work on ethics, political philosophy, and philosophy of law, Nussbaum has contributed to the fields of moral psychology and human capabilities approach.

 

Slavoj Žižek: A prominent figure in contemporary continental philosophy, Žižek is known for his work on cultural theory, political philosophy, and psychoanalysis. He often offers critical and provocative interpretations of various topics.

 

Judith Butler: A feminist philosopher and gender theorist, Butler has written extensively on subjects such as gender performativity, queer theory, and ethics. Her work has had a significant impact on contemporary feminist and LGBTQ+ discourse.

 

Peter Singer: Singer is an influential philosopher in the field of ethics and animal rights. He has written extensively on applied ethics, including topics like poverty, animal liberation, and effective altruism.

 

Alain Badiou: Badiou is a French philosopher known for his work on ontology, ethics, and political theory. His philosophy often intersects with mathematics, politics, and art, and he has developed a unique system of thought known as "Badiouian philosophy."

 

Noam Chomsky: Although primarily recognized as a linguist, Chomsky has made substantial contributions to political philosophy and criticism. He has written extensively on topics such as language acquisition, media, power, and U.S. foreign policy.

 

These are just a few examples, and there are many other influential philosophers active today, each with their own areas of specialization and unique perspectives. The field of philosophy is vast and diverse, encompassing various branches and schools of thought.

Liquid modernity

 Liquid  modernity

"Liquid modernity" is a concept introduced by the sociologist Zygmunt Bauman. Bauman coined the term to describe a particular condition of modern society characterized by uncertainty, instability, and constant change.

 

Bauman argued that traditional structures and institutions that provided stability and a sense of security in the past, such as solid social hierarchies and long-term commitments, have become fluid and transient in the modern world. He suggested that in this "liquid" state, everything seems temporary and subject to constant revision, making it difficult for individuals to find stable identities, relationships, and meaning.

 

In the context of liquid modernity, individuals face challenges in navigating the fast-paced, consumer-driven society where relationships, work, and even personal identities can be easily discarded or transformed. Bauman emphasized the impact of globalization, individualization, and the erosion of traditional social bonds on the experience of modern life.

 

According to Bauman, the fluid nature of modernity leads to feelings of insecurity, anxiety, and a constant need to adapt. He argued that the pursuit of stability and lasting commitments becomes increasingly elusive, and individuals are compelled to continually reinvent themselves to fit into a rapidly changing world.

 

The concept of liquid modernity has been influential in sociological and cultural studies, prompting discussions on the impact of globalization, the changing nature of social relationships, and the challenges faced by individuals in contemporary society.

Martha Nussbaum - "Sex and Social Justice: An Indian Perspective"

 

Martha Nussbaum - "Sex and Social Justice: An Indian Perspective"  

Martha Nussbaum

Martha Nussbaum is an American philosopher and professor known for her work in the fields of ethics, political philosophy, and philosophy of law. She was born on May 6, 1947, in New York City, United States. Nussbaum has made significant contributions to moral and political theory, exploring topics such as human capabilities, emotions, feminism, and social justice.

 

Nussbaum is currently the Ernst Freund Distinguished Service Professor of Law and Ethics at the University of Chicago. She has also held academic positions at prestigious institutions like Harvard University and Brown University. Throughout her career, Nussbaum has been recognized with numerous awards and honors for her intellectual contributions.

 

One of Nussbaum's most influential ideas is the capability approach, which she developed in collaboration with economist Amartya Sen. The capability approach focuses on promoting human welfare and justice by emphasizing the importance of individuals' capabilities to live a dignified life rather than just measuring their material resources or income. According to Nussbaum, people should have the opportunity to develop and exercise a range of basic capabilities, including the ability to live a healthy life, access education, participate in political processes, and experience emotional well-being.

 

Nussbaum has written extensively on various topics, and some of her notable books include "The Fragility of Goodness: Luck and Ethics in Greek Tragedy and Philosophy," "Sex and Social Justice," "Frontiers of Justice: Disability, Nationality, Species Membership," and "Anger and Forgiveness: Resentment, Generosity, Justice." Her work often incorporates insights from literature, psychology, and other disciplines to inform philosophical analysis and to address contemporary social and political issues.

 

Martha Nussbaum's contributions have had a significant impact on moral and political philosophy, promoting a broader understanding of human well-being and advocating for social justice. Her work continues to be influential and widely discussed in academic circles and beyond.

"Sex and Social Justice: An Indian Perspective" is a book written by Martha Nussbaum. Published in 1999, it explores the intersection of sexuality, gender, and social justice in the context of India. Nussbaum delves into various aspects of Indian society, such as the treatment of women, religious and cultural norms, and legal frameworks, to examine how they shape individuals' capabilities and impact social justice.

 

In the book, Nussbaum critiques the ways in which traditional Indian social structures and practices can limit women's freedom and hinder their ability to lead flourishing lives. She addresses issues like dowry, child marriage, and the caste system, which contribute to gender inequality and oppression. Nussbaum argues for the importance of equal respect and opportunities for women, highlighting the need for legal reforms and social change to address these inequalities.

 

Nussbaum's approach in "Sex and Social Justice" is grounded in her broader capabilities approach, which emphasizes the importance of promoting individuals' capabilities to lead lives they have reason to value. She examines how gender-based discrimination and social norms can hinder women's capabilities, and she calls for societal transformation to ensure equal opportunities and freedoms for all.

 

It's worth noting that Nussbaum's book specifically focuses on the Indian context, drawing upon Indian philosophical traditions, legal systems, and cultural practices. By centering her analysis on India, Nussbaum aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the challenges faced by women in the country and offer insights into how social justice can be pursued.

 

"Sex and Social Justice: An Indian Perspective" has contributed to discussions on gender, sexuality, and social justice in India, and it continues to be an influential work in the field. Nussbaum's examination of these issues in the Indian context offers valuable insights for scholars, activists, policymakers, and anyone interested in understanding and addressing gender inequality and social injustice in India and beyond.

 

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I apologize for the confusion in my previous response. "Sex and Social Justice: An Indian Perspective" is indeed a book by Martha Nussbaum, a renowned philosopher and professor of law and ethics. However, please note that as an AI language model, I don't have direct access to specific book quotations. I can provide you with some general ideas and concepts that are commonly discussed in Nussbaum's work, which might be relevant to the book's theme of sex and social justice from an Indian perspective. Here are a few key ideas often associated with Martha Nussbaum's writings:

 

"Capabilities Approach": Nussbaum is known for developing the capabilities approach, which emphasizes the importance of promoting individuals' capabilities and functioning as the central focus of social justice. This approach considers factors like education, healthcare, political participation, and personal freedoms as essential elements in enhancing human capabilities.

 

"Human Dignity": Nussbaum emphasizes the inherent worth and dignity of all individuals, arguing that social justice requires recognizing and respecting the inherent value and agency of each person, regardless of their gender, sexuality, or social background.

 

"Intersectionality": Nussbaum acknowledges the importance of considering the intersecting aspects of individuals' identities, such as gender, caste, class, and religion, when addressing issues of social justice. She emphasizes the need for an inclusive approach that recognizes the multiple layers of oppression individuals may face.

 

"Feminism and Gender Equality": Nussbaum's work often explores the relationship between feminism and social justice, highlighting the need for gender equality and challenging oppressive gender norms and stereotypes. She examines how gender-based discrimination impacts women's capabilities and well-being.

 

Please note that without direct access to the specific content of "Sex and Social Justice: An Indian Perspective," I cannot provide exact quotations from the book. It's recommended to refer to the book itself to explore the specific ideas and arguments put forth by Martha Nussbaum in the context of sex and social justice from an Indian perspective.

Noam Chomsky

 

Noam Chomsky

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Noam Chomsky is an American linguist, philosopher, cognitive scientist, historian, social critic, and political activist. He was born on December 7, 1928, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States. Chomsky is one of the most influential intellectuals of our time and has made significant contributions to various fields, including linguistics, cognitive science, and political theory.

 

In the field of linguistics, Chomsky developed the theory of generative grammar, which revolutionized the study of language. His groundbreaking work, particularly his book "Syntactic Structures" published in 1957, introduced the idea that language is governed by a set of innate grammatical principles that are universal to all human beings. This approach, known as transformational-generative grammar, had a profound impact on linguistic theory and provided a new framework for understanding language acquisition and production.

 

Chomsky's contributions to linguistics also extended to his exploration of the political and social implications of language use. He examined how language can be a tool of power and control, particularly in his influential book "Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media," co-authored with Edward S. Herman. In this work, Chomsky analyzed the media's role in shaping public opinion and argued that it often serves the interests of powerful elites.

 

Beyond linguistics, Chomsky is renowned for his extensive activism and political commentary. He has been a consistent critic of U.S. foreign policy, imperialism, capitalism, and the concentration of power in both political and economic systems. Chomsky's political views are rooted in anarchist and libertarian socialist traditions, and he has advocated for social justice, human rights, and grassroots activism throughout his career.

 

Chomsky's writings and speeches cover a wide range of topics, including U.S. imperialism, media criticism, linguistics, philosophy of mind, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Some of his notable works include "Understanding Power: The Indispensable Chomsky," "Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance," and "Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy."

 

Noam Chomsky's intellectual contributions and political activism have had a profound impact on various fields and have inspired generations of scholars, activists, and thinkers. While his views have been subject to criticism and controversy, his work continues to be influential in challenging dominant narratives and fostering critical analysis of power structures and social injustice.

 

 

 

 

Hegemony or Survival

 

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"Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance" is a book written by Noam Chomsky and published in 2003. In this work, Chomsky critically analyzes United States foreign policy, focusing on its pursuit of global dominance and the consequences it has for international relations and global stability.

 

Chomsky argues that the United States, as a global superpower, seeks to establish and maintain hegemony, meaning the dominance and control of other nations and regions. He examines various aspects of U.S. foreign policy, including military interventions, economic coercion, support for authoritarian regimes, and disregard for international law. Chomsky asserts that these actions are driven by a desire to protect and expand American interests and influence worldwide.

 

In "Hegemony or Survival," Chomsky critiques the "war on terror" launched by the U.S. government following the September 11, 2001 attacks. He argues that the rhetoric of fighting terrorism has been used as a pretext for aggressive military actions, such as the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Chomsky questions the justifications provided for these interventions and highlights the humanitarian and geopolitical consequences they have had.

 

Chomsky also examines the role of the media in shaping public opinion and providing support for U.S. foreign policy objectives. He argues that media outlets often serve as propaganda tools, disseminating government narratives and suppressing critical analysis. Chomsky emphasizes the importance of independent media and grassroots activism in challenging dominant narratives and promoting a more informed and engaged citizenry.

 

"Hegemony or Survival" reflects Chomsky's broader critique of power structures, imperialism, and the concentration of power in the hands of a few. He advocates for a more just and peaceful world order, emphasizing the need for respect for international law, human rights, and global cooperation.

 

The book sparked considerable debate and controversy, with Chomsky's arguments and analysis challenging mainstream narratives and questioning the actions of the U.S. government. "Hegemony or Survival" remains a significant work in the study of U.S. foreign policy, imperialism, and global power dynamics, contributing to ongoing discussions on international relations and global justice.

Crony legislature

 

Crony legislature

 

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The term "crony legislature" is not a commonly used or recognized term in political science or general discourse. However, it seems to imply a legislative body that is characterized by cronyism, which is the practice of favoritism or nepotism in politics and business, often resulting in the appointment or advancement of individuals based on personal connections rather than merit.

 

In a crony legislature, lawmakers may prioritize the interests of their personal connections, such as friends, family members, or business associates, over the broader public interest. This can lead to policies and decisions that are biased, corrupt, and detrimental to good governance.

 

Cronyism in legislative bodies can manifest in several ways. Lawmakers may engage in patronage politics, providing favors or appointments to individuals who have supported or contributed to their campaigns. They may also engage in backroom deals, lobbying, or accepting bribes in exchange for supporting certain legislation or granting special privileges to specific individuals or groups.

 

The presence of cronyism in a legislature undermines democratic principles and erodes public trust in the political system. It hampers transparency, accountability, and fairness in decision-making processes. Additionally, it can contribute to widespread corruption and inequalities, as power and resources are concentrated in the hands of a few privileged individuals or groups.

 

Efforts to combat cronyism and promote a more accountable and representative legislature involve strengthening mechanisms for transparency, accountability, and ethics. Implementing stricter rules and regulations regarding conflicts of interest, campaign finance, lobbying, and the appointment process can help reduce the influence of cronyism in legislative bodies. Additionally, promoting a culture of meritocracy and encouraging the participation of diverse voices in politics can help mitigate the negative effects of cronyism.

 

Overall, the term "crony legislature" reflects a concern about the presence of cronyism and favoritism within a legislative body, highlighting the need for reforms that promote transparency, accountability, and the public interest.

Karl Marx views on Parliament system

 

Karl Marx views on Parliament system

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Karl Marx, a philosopher, economist, and political theorist, had a critical perspective on the parliamentary system as it existed in his time. Marx's views on the parliamentary system were shaped by his analysis of capitalist societies and his broader critique of the capitalist mode of production.

 

Marx argued that parliamentary democracy, which he referred to as "bourgeois democracy," was fundamentally limited and flawed. He believed that the parliamentary system was a political instrument used by the ruling capitalist class to maintain their power and perpetuate the capitalist economic system. According to Marx, political power in bourgeois democracies is ultimately subordinate to economic power, as capitalists control the means of production and exert significant influence over the state.

 

Marx saw the parliamentary system as a façade of democracy, where the appearance of political participation and representation masked the underlying inequalities and class divisions inherent in capitalist societies. He believed that formal political rights, such as the right to vote and participate in elections, were insufficient to address the structural injustices of capitalism. Marx argued that true political liberation could only be achieved through the abolition of the capitalist system itself.

 

From Marx's perspective, the parliamentary system served as a mechanism for managing class conflict within capitalism rather than truly representing the interests of the working class. He criticized the tendency of parliamentary politics to prioritize the interests of the capitalist class and argued that the working class needed to engage in independent political action to challenge capitalist power and bring about genuine social change.

 

Marx's views on the parliamentary system were closely tied to his broader theory of historical materialism and his belief in the necessity of a socialist revolution to overthrow capitalism. He envisioned a future society in which political power would be held collectively by the working class, with the aim of establishing a classless, communist society.

 

It is important to note that Marx's ideas on the parliamentary system were developed in the 19th century and were shaped by the historical context of his time. Different interpretations of Marx's work have emerged, and subsequent Marxist theorists and activists have developed various perspectives on the role of parliamentary democracy and strategies for achieving social change.

 

 

 

List the Karl Marx quotations on parliamentary system

 

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Here are a few notable quotations by Karl Marx that touch upon his views on the parliamentary system:

 

"The oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class are to represent and repress them." (From "The Civil War in France," 1871)

 

"Universal suffrage is the equivalent of political nullity. It is the instrument of the ruling class." (From "The Class Struggles in France," 1850)

 

"The parliamentary regime lives... on the follies it creates." (From "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon," 1852)

 

"The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie." (From "The Communist Manifesto," 1848)

 

"Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another." (From "The Communist Manifesto," 1848)

 

"Every step of real movement is more important than a dozen programs." (From "Letter to Friedrich Bolte," 1871)

 

These quotes provide a glimpse into Marx's critical perspective on the parliamentary system and its relationship to class struggle and capitalist power. They reflect his belief that the parliamentary system served the interests of the ruling class and perpetuated the inequalities inherent in capitalist societies. Marx emphasized the limitations of formal political participation and advocated for the need for independent political action by the working class to challenge and ultimately overcome the capitalist system.

VI Lenin quotations on parliamentary system

 

List the VI Lenin  quotations on parliamentary system

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Here are several notable quotations by Vladimir Lenin on the parliamentary system:

 

"Parliamentary elections alone do not solve the problem of democracy; they solve it no better than any other form of elections." (From "State and Revolution," 1917)

 

"Parliamentarism... no matter how democratic, is always a false democracy, democracy for the rich, democracy for the minority." (From "State and Revolution," 1917)

 

"The bourgeoisie and the opportunists within the labor movement... completely deny the socialist revolution in practice by their belief in... the peaceful parliamentary road." (From "The Collapse of the Second International," 1915)

 

"The fact that every worker and every toiling peasant knows that the masses of the people must overthrow the bourgeoisie does not mean that a class-conscious worker who has gone through the experience of the revolution... believes in the parliamentary road to socialism." (From "Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution," 1905)

 

"The class-conscious proletariat can give its consent to a provisional government composed of the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie, but such a government must be strictly subordinated to the proletariat, i.e., it must be a government under the control of the proletariat organized as a separate party." (From "The Dual Power," 1917)

 

These quotes reflect Lenin's skepticism toward the parliamentary system as a means to achieve genuine democracy and socialism. He believed that parliamentary elections alone did not solve the problem of democracy and argued that parliamentary democracy often served the interests of the bourgeoisie. Lenin emphasized the need for revolutionary action and the establishment of a proletarian-led government that could advance the interests of the working class. He considered the parliamentary road to socialism as insufficient and advocated for a more radical transformation of society.

On Narendra Modi and Gowtham Adani relations

 

On Narendra Modi and Gowtham Adani relations

 

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As an AI language model, I don't have access to real-time information or the ability to provide specific details on the current relationship between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Gautam Adani, the Indian business tycoon. However, I can provide some general information about their past interactions and connections.

 

Gautam Adani is one of the wealthiest individuals in India and is the founder and chairman of the Adani Group, a conglomerate with diverse business interests in sectors such as infrastructure, energy, logistics, and ports. The Adani Group has expanded significantly in recent years and has been involved in various infrastructure projects in India.

 

Narendra Modi, before becoming Prime Minister, was the Chief Minister of the Indian state of Gujarat from 2001 to 2014. During his tenure, Modi pursued policies to promote investment and economic growth in Gujarat. Adani Group was one of the companies that established significant projects in Gujarat during this period, such as the development of the Mundra Port and the establishment of the Adani SEZ (Special Economic Zone).

 

It has been reported that there have been close ties between Narendra Modi and Gautam Adani, stemming from their connections in Gujarat. Critics have raised concerns about the potential influence of Adani and his group on government policies and decision-making processes, given their business interests and the magnitude of their projects.

 

It's worth noting that while there have been allegations and controversies surrounding the relationship between Modi and Adani, any specific details regarding their personal relations or the extent of their influence would require access to up-to-date information and credible sources. Public figures' relationships and interactions can be subject to different interpretations and perspectives, so it's essential to consult reliable sources for the most accurate and balanced understanding of their connections.

Muslim persecution in India through policies and Acts by Narendra Modi Government

 

Muslim persecution in India  through policies and Acts  by Narendra Modi Government

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The topic of Muslim persecution in India is complex and sensitive, and opinions on it can vary significantly. It is important to approach the subject with an understanding that it involves diverse perspectives, ongoing debates, and varying interpretations of events. I will provide a general overview of some policies and acts that have been criticized for their potential impact on the Muslim community during Narendra Modi's tenure as Prime Minister of India. However, it's crucial to note that this summary does not capture the full range of perspectives on the issue.

 

Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA): The CAA, passed in December 2019, provides a path to Indian citizenship for undocumented immigrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan, excluding Muslims. Critics argue that this exclusion is discriminatory, as it explicitly differentiates between immigrants based on their religious affiliation.

 

National Register of Citizens (NRC): The NRC is a proposed nationwide register of citizens aimed at identifying illegal immigrants in India. Critics express concerns that the implementation of the NRC could disproportionately impact marginalized communities, including Muslims, who may face challenges in providing necessary documentation for citizenship verification.

 

Anti-Conversion Laws: Some states in India, including those governed by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which Narendra Modi belongs to, have implemented or proposed anti-conversion laws. Critics argue that these laws can be misused to target religious minorities, including Muslims, under the guise of preventing forced conversions.

 

Mob Violence and Cow Vigilantism: Instances of mob violence and cow vigilantism, often targeting Muslims and marginalized communities, have been reported in recent years. Critics argue that the response and handling of these incidents by the government and law enforcement have been inadequate, leading to concerns about the safety and security of Muslim communities.

 

It is important to note that while these policies and acts have faced criticism, there are also differing opinions and perspectives on them. Supporters argue that these measures are necessary for national security, protecting cultural identity, and addressing immigration concerns.

 

Understanding the nuances of this issue requires a comprehensive examination of multiple sources, including government statements, legal analyses, human rights reports, and various viewpoints from different stakeholders. It is advisable to consult reliable and diverse sources to form a well-informed understanding of the complex topic of Muslim persecution in India.

BJP fears caste census will disturb its Hindutva campaign: Bhupesh Baghel

 

BJP fears caste census will disturb its Hindutva campaign: Bhupesh Baghel

PREMIUM

The BJP’s electoral successes depend on playing up religious differences; they fear that once caste census data is out, they will not be able to corral voters under the larger Hindutva umbrella, the Chhattisgarh CM says

May 27, 2023 05:19 pm | Updated 10:21 pm IST

 

Sobhana K  NairSOBHANA K. NAIR

COMMENTSSHAREREAD LATER

Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel. File

Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel. File | Photo Credit: PTI

 

With his State’s Assembly election around the corner, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel speaks to The Hindu about the investigations in corruption cases against him, his government’s Ramayana festival, and the implications of the Karnataka Assembly election results.

 

 The Chhattisgarh Assembly election is due in six months. Are you returning as Chief Minister?

 

 Congress is returning. It is up to the party leadership on who they deem fit for the post. But I can say with complete confidence that the Congress will win a comfortable majority for the second time.

 

 According to various reports, the tribal community is disenchanted with the Congress government. Meanwhile, Arvind Netam’s Sarva Adivasi Samaj has also announced its decision to contest the Assembly elections, which is expected to eat into Congress’ vote share...

 

 Arvind Netam was in Congress, where the party gave him the opportunity to serve as a member of Parliament and also as a minister. He later shifted to BSP and then joined BJP, before returning to Congress and now he is again experimenting. People have lost count of the number of times he has switched his political allegiances. Their [Sarva Adivasi Samaj] strength was tested during the recent bypolls and they failed to make a dent in the Congress’ vote share. Mr. Netam is working at the behest of the BJP, a fact that the tribal voters know very well.  

 

 Why is the Congress insisting on a caste census? Why do we need it?

 

 The caste census is essential to assess which community or caste group has not got the benefits of reservation that has been extended to the group as a whole. This will help in identifying the vulnerable groups that need more assistance and a helping hand from the government. This data will enable the government to draw up informed policy decisions. The BJP’s electoral successes are entirely dependent on instigating the voter by playing up religious differences. They fear that once the caste census data is out, they will not be able to corral the voters under the larger and all-encompassing Hindutva umbrella.

 

 For the last few months, your government has been in the news for various corruption cases being investigated by the central agencies and now fingers are being pointed at you and your family as well, especially your son. How do you defend yourself?

 

 I am the only target. It is not about finding the wrongdoing or charging the guilty. They have been laying the ground since 2020. They are forcing people to implicate me and my son. They are coercing witnesses by force and also blackmailing them to name us. Things have come to such a head that the ED [Enforcement Directorate] officials have shifted along with their families to Raipur. They [BJP] want to target me because I am a farmer, because I belong to a backward caste. They claim that the coal levy scam is worth ₹500 crore and the excise scam is worth ₹2000 crore. My question is, how many accused have they arrested so far?

 

 But how do you counter the narrative that these investigations create about your government being corrupt? 

 

 My government is transferring cash directly to the farmers, labourers and owners of small enterprises as part of our economic assistance programme. My predecessor, the Raman Singh government, used to take a commission for every welfare scheme they delivered, whether they were distributing cycles or chappals. The Chhattisgarh voters clearly understand that the Centre is troubling Bhupesh Baghel because he is working for them.

 

 Next month, your government is organising a three-day Ramayana festival. Why are you borrowing from the BJP playbook of Hindutva politics?

 

 The Ramayana is part of the Chhattisgarhi culture; it is read in every house and every village holds recital competitions. This is Lord Rama’s maternal house; his mother was born here. All that we are doing is preserving and promoting our culture.

 

 So, you are claiming there is no Hindu angle to this?

 

 There is no political angle to this.

 

 How do you see the Congress’ victory in Karnataka? 

 

 First, we won Himachal Pradesh, which is a Hindu-majority state. Then we displaced the BJP government in Karnataka where once again they played the bugle of Hindutva during the campaign. In both States, the BJP had to face a humiliating defeat. They were talking about Congress-mukt Bharat and the voters delivered a BJP-mukt India. The BJP is going to lose in the upcoming Assembly polls in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Telangana and Rajasthan.

Why a Larger Spotlight is Needed on Co-Lending Deals Between Banks and NBFCs

 

Why a Larger Spotlight is Needed on Co-Lending Deals Between Banks and NBFCs

The relationship that PSU banks establish with NBFCs run by big corporate groups need to be watched very carefully due to potential moral hazard problems.

 

Why a Larger Spotlight is Needed on Co-Lending Deals Between Banks and NBFCs

A man checks his mobile phones in front of State Bank of India (SBI) branch in Kolkata, February 9, 2018. Photo: Reuters/Rupak De Chowdhuri/Files

 

Thomas Franco

BANKING

09/DEC/2021

 

The Reserve Bank of India’s push for co-lending arrangements between banks and non-banking financial companies was brought back into the spotlight this week when State Bank of India announced that it had entered into a tie-up with the Adani Group for the very same.

 

 

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Take a second to consider what the detail entails. SBI — the largest lender in the country with a customer base of 45.92 crores, a branch network of 22,219 branches, and 2,45,652 employees — has entered into a deal with Adani Capital, which has just 63 branches in 6 states with 758 staff.

 

 

This partnership — which the accompanying press release says is being done for increasing lending to the farm sector — has drawn criticism from Opposition party politicians.

 

Former Kerala finance minister Thomas Isaac for instance slammed the Centre over the agreement between the State Bank of India and Adani Capital for co-lending to farmers, saying it will benefit the private firm more by allowing it to piggyback a public sector behemoth with extensive reach and expertise.

 

As per the press release of SBI dated December 2, 2021,  the public sector has signed a master agreement with Adani Capital Private Ltd, the NBFC arm of Adani Group, for co-lending to farmers for purchase of tractors and farm implements, to increase efficiency in farm operations and productivity of crops.  SBI is actively looking at co-lending opportunities with multiple NBFCs for financing farm mechanisation, warehouse receipt finance, farmer producer organisations etc for enhancing credit flow to double the farmers income, stated the press release. 

 

The question, as Isaac has raised, is why SBI has to get into an agreement with such a small company when SBI already has 22,219 branches? SBI already has 1.37 crore farmers credit accounts and an outstanding farm credit of Rs 1,96,268 crore.  It has supply chain credit with 28,000 dealers, 14,000 vendors and various companies. SBI also has 71,968 business correspondents outlets as of March 21. 

 

 

Adani capital started its operations only in 2017.  It has a capital of just Rs 20 crores. It has only 63 branches with 738 employees in 6 states namely Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. It has just 28,000 customers with a loan outstanding of Rs. 1292 crores and a gross NPA of 1.38% already.  It has a loan limit of Rs.1476 crores from SBI, PNB, Indian, Canara, PSB, Union, Central Bank, BOI, SCB, DBS, ICICI, Axis, IDFC, Yes Bank, Karnataka Bank, Federal Bank, HDFC and NABKISSAN.

 

In no way Adani Capital is going to help SBI to increase farm credit. But it can use the name and infrastructure of SBI to approach farmers.

 

What is the alternative?

 

Definitely the reach of SBI to the farmers is not adequate. So SBI can easily convert all the 71,638 business correspondent outlets into micro small branches and triple the farm credit in a short term. 

 

 

RBI which has been opposed to corporates getting into banking has permitted the same corporates to get into Banking, hitch cocking Public Sector banks through Payment Banks and Non-Banking Financial companies. The NBFCs will be charging much higher interest rates and service charges. Can this be allowed by RBI?

 

Similarly a review of Jio Payment Bank is urgently needed. In 2017, SBI had somewhat a similar agreement in 2017 with Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance by joining as junior partner in Jio Payment Bank with 30% shareholding.  That time SBI claimed that this will pave way to reach larger number of customers who are Jio users. In 2018 SBI entered an agreement with Reliance Jio and stated that it will provide video banking facility and Jio will have partnership in the Yono, the digital transaction platform of SBI.  The reality is SBI has not achieved anything great out of this deal. 

 

The SBI annual report 2020-21 has an annexure which shows that Jio Payment Bank has not made any headway. After 4 years its deposits are just Rs 17.39 crores, borrowings Rs.9.74 crores and interest earned Rs.9.70 crore.

 

The employees and the trade unions have to oppose the Adani deal on its merits and refuse to lend to farmers through Adani Capital.  Instead they should give direct loans.  They already have tie ups with tractor dealers.  They should not be a party to the modern day money lender Adani using the banks’ money to have control over farmers.

 

 

Immediate investigations are needed at different levels. Who is influencing these decisions? How safe is SBI?

 

Though both SBI and Adani Capital can claim that their tie up is aimed at expanding rural and farm credit the RBI as a regulator must keep a watch on how big corporate group owned NBFCs leverage bank funds. True, many big corporate houses have promoted NBFCs and they access bank funds for on lending. But recent experience has shown that the boards of NBFCs run by big business houses have had to be taken over by the RBI because of non repayment of bank debt and other moral hazard issues. For instance, the board of one of the biggest NBFCs Reliance Capital has been superseded by RBI as it has failed to repay debt of banks and financial institutions and allegedly lent to own group firms. So, the relationship PSU banks establish with NBFCs run by big corporate groups need to be watched very carefully due to potential moral hazard problems.

 

These are risks which the regulator must keep in mind when  public sector banks establish special relationships with NBFCs run by big corporate groups.

 

Thomas Franco is Joint Convener, People First and Former President, All India State bank Officers Federation.

SBI కు అదానీ క్యాపిటల్ కు

రైతులకు రుణాలు మంజూరు చేయడానికి

Co - lending అగ్రిమెంట్ జరిగింది

 

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